Excerpts from “Lee's
Tigers”
The
Louisiana Infantry in the Army of Northern Virginia.
by Terry
Jones
Richmond! The
threatened capitol and symbol of the South was the goal of thousands of
Louisiana recruits. By may, 1861, it was
apparent that Virginia would be the focal point of the coming clash, and
Louisiana's young men in gray were eager to be there From Pensicola, Florida, a
young soldier in the Shreveport Greys wrote that his
comrades "had become tired of living like flounders and crabs in the deep
sands of Pensacola, and the cry was 'on to Richmond.’” Andrew Newell of the Cheneyville Rifles exuberantly wrote his family on the eve
of departure from camp Moore, Louisiana, that the company was in good health
and spirits and "eager to get into the fight."1 After the bombardment of Fort
Sumter, Louisiana hastily organized scores of regiments and battalions to meet
the threat of war, ultimately dispatching ten regiments and five battalions of
infantry to Virginia. These were the
1st, 2nd, 5th, 6th, 7th, 8th, 9th, 10th, and 14th Louisiana volunteers; the 1st
Special Battalion, Louisiana Infantry (Wheat’s Battalion); 1st Battalion,
Louisiana Volunteers (Dreux's Battalion); 1st Battalion, Louisiana Zouaves
Coppens Battalion); 3d Battalion, Louisiana Infantry (Bradfords
Battalion); and the Washington Infantry Battalion (St Pauls
Foot Rifles). The 4th Louisiana
Battalion (Wattles Battalion) was sent to Virginia in 1861 but is outside the
scope of this study because it served there only briefly before being assigned
to other areas.
Parades, parties, and pompous
ceremonies were often held in honor of the volunteer companies making up these
commands. One function that garnered a
great deal of attention was the presentation of flags to local volunteers. Such ceremonies were solemn rituals, as
illustrated by the DeSoto Rifles flag
presentation. Handing the flag to the
color guard, the [spokeswomen for the seamstress declared: "receive then,
from your mothers and sisters, from those whose affections greet you, these
colors woven by our feeble but reliant hands; nd when
this bright flag shall float before you on the battlefield, let it not only
inspire you with the brave and patriotic ambitions of a soldier aspiring to his
own and his country's honor and glory, but also may it be a sign that cherished
ones appeal to you to save them from a fanatical and heartless foe." The company's color-sergeant and corporals
then step forward to receive the flag.
The color-sergeant replied:
Ladies, with high beating hearts and pulses throbbing with emotions, we receive from your hands this beautiful flag, the proud emblem of our young republic.....To those who may return from the field of battle bearing this flag in triumph, those perhaps scattered and torn, this incident will always prove a cheering recollection and to him whose fate be to die a soldiers death, this moment brought before his fading view will recall your kind and sympathetic words, he will...bless you as his spirit takes its aerial flight...May the God of battles look down upon us as we register a soldier's vow that no stain shall ever found upon thy sacred fords, save the blood of those who attack thee or those who fall in thy defense. Comrades you have heard the pledge, may it ever guide you and guard you on the tented field...Or in smoke, glare, and in din of battle, amidst carnage and death, there let its bright folds inspire you with new strength, nerve your arms and steel your heart to deeds of strength and valor.2
In their haste to enter the
military, some prominent Louisianians bypassed state officials and appealed directly
to confederate authority’s for permission to raise units for the Confederate
army. Governor Thomas O. Moore bitterly
complained of this practice to the Secretary of War, Leroy P. Walker because he
wanted the regiments to be mustered into Louisiana service first so that the
state could pick the field grade officers and have the prestige of naming the commands.
Governor Moore was particularly incensed at George Auguste Gaston Coppens, a
graduate of the French Marine School.
Coppens was highly regarded in New Orleans social circles and was
described by one woman as "a fine example of grace and beauty." But Coppens earned the wrath of the governor
because he received personal authorization from Jefferson Davis in early March
to raise and equip a battalion of Zouaves for the Confederate army.3
Coppens, like many Louisianians,
was impressed with the French Zouaves. In early 1861, a group of actors
claiming to be veterans of the Crimean War toured the country as a drill team patterned
after the Algerian Zouaves. The Zouaves'
uniforms varied but usually consisted of a red fez, a dark blue, loose fitting
jacket trimmed and embroidered with gold cord, a dark blue vest with yellow
trim, blue cummerbund, baggy red pantaloons, black leather leggings, and white
gaiters. This Zouave drill team toured several
cities in Louisiana and thrilled everyone with its close-order drill, colorful
uniforms, and French drill commands. By
March, 1861, the Zouaves were so popular in Louisiana that Coppens hoped to
pattern his command after them.
Coppens quickly organized
several companies, most of whose members were foreigners of Louisianians of
French extraction. It was claimed that Coppens received permission from the
mayor of New Orleans to set up recruiting stations within city jails to give
criminals a choice between prison or military service. This is probably an exaggeration, but the
battalion's subsequent record of lawlessness lends credence to claim. In late
March the battalion left New Orleans for Pensacola, Florida, where it was
mustered into service as the 1st Battalion, Louisiana Zouaves.4
Compensation for Louisiana's
recruits became fierce as the war crisis deepened. By the end of April the state was offering
ten dollars to anyone who joined a state regiment and an additional two dollars
for each friend induced to sign up.
Since some parishes also offered bounties, many potential recruits
traveled form parish to parish looking for the best offer. Local planters and businessmen even competed
against one other by offering to supply weapons and uniforms to volunteers,
with the understanding that they would be elected captain of the company or the
company would be named in their honor, this practice led to individualized
uniforms and weapons and caused regimental commanders much grief when trying to
standardize their units' equipment.5
A. Keene Richards, a wealthy
New Orleans citizen, outfitted the famed Tiger Rifles. But unlike some businessmen, Richards
apparently made no demands in return for his support. This company adopted the popular Zouave dress
and wore scarlet skullcaps with long tassels, red shirts, blue jackets, baggy
blue trousers with white stripes, and white leggings. On each man's hatband were painted such
slogans as "Lincoln’s Life or a Tiger's Death," "Tiger in Search
of a Black Republican," and "Tiger in Search of Abe." Recruited from the back alleys, levees, and
jails of New Orleans, the Tiger Rifles became notorious for their thievery and
brawling. The company was organized and
led by Captain Alex White, a former mate on a Mississippi River packet. Rumored to be the son of a prominent
governor, the mysterious White supposedly had changed his name and fled his
native state after being convicted of killing a man during a poker game.6
White's Tiger Rifles became
part of Major Roberdeau Wheat's 1st Special Battalion, Louisiana
Volunteers. Born in Virginia to an
Episcopal minister, Wheat served as an officer in the Mexican War and fought in
Cuba, Mexico, and Nicaragua with various private expeditions. The thirty-five-year-old lawyer and soldier
of fortune was serving with Garibaldi in Italy when South Carolina
seceded. He immediately returned to the
United States and while in New York was approached by his old commander,
General Winfield Scott, who urged him to join the Union forces. Wheat declined and headed for Montgomery to
try to obtain a commission in the Confederate army, no commissions were available,
however, so he continued on to his home in New Orleans to raise his own
company-the Old Dominion Guards. Wheat
was later elected major of the 1st Special Battalion and won a lasting place in
history as commander of the famed Louisiana Tiger Battalion. A strapping six feet, four inches, in height
and weighing 275 pounds, he proved to be the only man capable of handling the
rowdy Tigers. "His men loved
him-and they feared him," one soldier wrote, "The power or spell he
had over his men was truly wonderful."7
Wheat's Battalion was a
potpourri of men who ranged in status from lawyers and merchants to pickpockets
and pimps. Richard Taylor wrote years
later that "so villainous was the reputation of this battalion that every
commander desired to be rid of' it." One company, the Walker Guards,
consisted of soldiers of fortune who had served under William Walker in
Nicaragua. The Perret
Guards, by contrast, were gamblers, and membership in the company was reserved
for those able to "cut, shuffle, and deal on the point of a bayonet."
Historians usually cite the Catahoula Guerrillas, a company of planter's sons,
as being the tamest unit in Wheat's Tigers.
Although they were not usually associated with the villainous acts
committed by the rest of the battalion, they were referred to as "Free
Booters and Robbers" by one officer when they left their hometown, which
suggests that they may not have been as innocent as previously believed.8
Like many of Louisiana's commands, Wheat's Battalion
contained a large number of foreigners that is men born in foreign countries,
although some of them were naturalized citizens. In 1860, 11.4 percent of Louisiana's
population was foreign-born--the most of any southern state. State officials recognized the importance of
this segment of the population and made a special effort to incorporate it into
the war effort. To promote foreign
enlistments, newspaper advertisements frequently called for recruits for such
companies as the Scotch Rifle Guards, British Guards, and Irish Brigade.9
The largest group of foreign-born in Louisiana was the
Irish. State officials attempted to
raise a brigade from among the thousands of Irishmen who were working as
laborers on Louisiana's plantations, levees, and wharves. The attempt was a dismal failure, however,
for only two companies were organized and later attached to Colonel Isaac G.
Seymour's predominantly Irish 6th Louisiana Volunteers. Seymour was a fifty-seven-year-old Yale
University graduate, a successful newspaper editor, and had been the first
mayor of Macon, Georgia. Under Winfield
Scott he led a company of volunteers against the Seminole Indians in 1863 and a
regiment of volunteers in the Mexican War.
In 1848, Seymour moved to New Orleans, where he became editor of the
city's leading financial newspaper, the Commercial Bulletin, As
commander of the 6th Louisiana, Seymour was described as being "a brave
gentleman but [an] inefficient, slow officer." He often had difficulty
controlling his Irishmen, for the 6th Louisiana was found to be "turbulent
in camp and requiring a strong hand."10
In the spring of 1861, Major Gaspard Tochman, a native of
Poland, arrived in New Orleans to promote foreign enlistments through the
organization of a Polish brigade. Tochman first came to the United States after being exiled
by Russia for his participation in the Polish Revolution of' 1830. Once here, he became a popular lecturer on
Poland and cultivated the friendship of prominent government officials. In May, 1861, Tochman
received permission from his friend Jefferson Davis to raise two regiments of
Poles. Since there were only 196 Polish
men, women, and children residing in Louisiana in 1860, the real intent of the
brigade was to induce other foreign groups to enlist. Tochman's plan was
a success, for two "Polish regiments" were raised, although they
mainly consisted of other nationalities.
These two regiments were separated instead of being consolidated into
one brigade, with the Ist Polish Regiment designated
as the 14th Louisiana Volunteers and the 2d Polish Regiment the 3d Battalion,
Louisiana Infantry.11
Colonel
Valery Sulakowski was made commander of' the 14th
Louisiana. Like Wheat, Sulakowski was a
strict disciplinarian and perhaps the only officer capable of controlling the
wild soldiers of his command. Born in
Poland to a noble family, he received his military training during the 1848
Hungarian uprising against Austria. When
the revolution failed, Sulakowski fled to the United States and settled in New
Orleans as a civil engineer. Sulakowski
eagerly supported Tochman's efforts to raise a Polish
brigade and was rewarded with the command of the 1st Polish Regiment. His men's diverse nationalities and languages
made them difficult to manage and forced Sulakowski to rule with an iron fist.
He was described by one soldier as "a most exacting military commander,
disciplinarian, and organizer" and as the "incarnation of military
law-despotic, cruel and absolutely merciless." Sulakowski's men never became fond of him,
although they did admire his talents. He
was, one Louisianan claimed, "without doubt the best colonel in the
service."12
Although thousands of foreigners joined
Louisiana units, patriotism was not always the prime motivator. Shortages in state levee funds threw many
Irishmen out of work before the war and forced them to enlist to survive. Other foreigners were literally shanghaied
into the army. One English correspondent
in New Orleans wrote, "British subjects have been seized, knocked down,
carried off from their labor at the wharf and forced ... to serve." Other
foreign nationals were forced into barracks and hogtied until they agreed to
enlist. The British consulate in New
Orleans was so swamped by pathetic pleas from its subjects that it finally
pressured Governor Moore to discharge all English citizens so impressed. One company of the 1st Louisiana Volunteers
had eight members discharged for this reason.13
Some Louisiana troops were sent to
Pensacola, instead of Camp Moore, to Strengthen General Bragg forces
there. Among these was the 1st
Battalion, Louisiana Volunteers, under the dashing twenty-nine-year-old New
Orleans socialite, Lieutenant-Colonel Charles D. Dreux. Dreux was educated in France, at Amherst
College, and at two military institutes in Kentucky. After college he Studied law and became one
of Kentucky's Whig delegates at the 1851 national convention, where he
delivered an inspiring speech promoting Winfield Scott for president. Returning to New Orleans, he was later
elected district attorney and state legislator and organized the Orleans Cadets
when war loomed closer. This company
consisted of New Orleans' most prominent young bachelors and claimed to have
thirty-four men under eighteen years of age, with Dreux being the only married
member. With four other companies,
Dreux's men were dispatched to Pensacola and mustered into Confederate service
as the 1st Battalion, Louisiana Volunteers-the first Louisiana unit to be
accepted into the Confederate army. Dreux
was elected lieutenant-colonel of the battalion and won the admiration of' his
men by mixing strict military discipline while on duty with friendly
familiarity while off.14
Coppens' Zouaves joined Dreux's Battalion
to help protect Pensacola from the Union forces still occupying Fort Pickens on
Santa Rosa Island. With their colorful
uniforms and French aura, the Zouaves were the center of attention at
Pensacola. One foreign correspondent
who dined With them noted that many of Coppens' officers were veterans of
European wars and that they were the only unit at Pensacola "with a
military exactness." Mornings on the sandy beach were uniquely French,
this Englishman wrote, as "the well known reveille of the Zouaves,
and then French clangors, rolls, ruffles and calls ran along the line."15
As at Camp Moore, the Louisianians quickly
became bored with their duty station at Pensacola; the monotony of camp life
was relieved only by persistent rumors of an impending attack by the Union
fleet. But after weeks in the broiling
sun, even this threat of combat failed to arouse the men. As one put it, "I dread the mosquitoes
and sand flies more than the black republicans." This same soldier
reported that the insects and heat combined to make conditions miserable and
make tempers flare. In a fit of anger, a
Shreveport Grey once used a musket to crack the head of a New Orleans soldier
who called him a liar, and a nearby saloon was placed off limits when the Louisiana
soldier engaged in a barroom brawl there with civilians. Some of the men found this punishment
unbearable--"kill me," they cried, "but don't take my
whiskey."16
By late spring most of the commands
destined for Virginia were organized and ready to ship out. In addition to the
twelve thousand men who made up these units, a sizable number of camp followers
went along as well. One New Orleans
correspondent wrote that Coppens' Zouaves "had the good taste" to
bring women with them to Pensacola to wash, cook, and clean their quarters, and
four female companions of Wheat's Battalion had to be hauled from the front
lines in a wagon just before the First Battle of Manassas. They were described
by one observer as being "disgusting looking creatures," who were
"all dressed up as men." Rose Rooney, however, was one woman who
earned the respect of all the Louisiana soldiers. After enlisting as a regular member of the
Crescent Blues to serve as the men's cook and nurse, she tore down a rail fence
while under heavy fire during the First Battle of Manassas to allow a battery
of artillery to enter the fight. She
served with her company for four years and was still on the rolls as a regular
company member when Lee surrendered at Appomattox.17
At least twenty-four nationalities were
represented among the 12,000 Tigers who left Louisiana in 1861. Original muster
rolls give the birthplaces of approximately 7,000 of these men. Of these, only 2,303 were native Louisianians,
with the largest group of recruits (2,485) being from other states-mostly poor
white farmers who migrated to the piney woods of North Louisiana from other
southern states. There were almost as
many foreign-born soldiers as native Louisianians. The muster rolls show 2,268 men born outside
the United States, most of them serving in New Orleans companies. The breakdown of these men according to place
of birth is, as follows:18
Ireland 1,463 Belgium 5
Germany 412 Denmark 4
England 160 Norway 4
France 74 Italy 4
Canada 50 Cuba 3
Scotland 31 Brazil 3
Switzerland 13 Russia 2
West Indies 12 Hungary 1
Sweden 7 Holland 1
Mexico 6 Spain 1
Poland 6 Martinique 1
Nassau 5
On June
1, 1861, Coppens' Battalion departed from Pensacola for Richmond on what became
one of the stormiest train rides in military history. The Zouaves' officer’s
precipitated trouble when they chose to leave their men unattended and rode in
a special car at the end of the train, At the first stop the officers left
their car to enjoy a quiet breakfast at the station, but they were quickly
interrupted by a shrill whistle and the low rumble of moving cars. Rushing to the windows, the startled officers
saw their special car sitting beside the station while their men and train
slowly disappeared down the tracks. The
Zouaves had quietly uncoupled the officers' car and hijacked the train. Cursing in their respective languages, the
officers quickly wired for another locomotive and were soon in hot pursuit of
their runaway men.
The Zouaves arrived in Montgomery,
Alabama, long before their enraged leaders.
The tension and frustration built up at Pensacola were unleashed as the
Zouaves embarked upon a drunken spree of looting, robbery, and harassment. After an hour of rampant destruction, city
officials called out the 1st Georgia Volunteers to restore order. With loaded muskets and fixed bayonets, the
Georgians were forcing the Zouaves out of the stores when the abandoned
officers finally pulled into town.
With drawn revolvers, the fuming officers
sprang from the moving train and ran toward the drunken mob. "The charge of the Light Brigade,"
one witness recalled, "was surpassed by these irate Creoles." Into
the midst of the mob they ran, cursing some, pistol whipping others. One young lieutenant noticed a huge sergeant
emerging from a store with an armload of shoes.
The startled soldier only hesitated when the young officer yelled for
him to drop his loot, so the lieutenant, ran up, grabbed him by the throat, and
cracked his head with the pistol barrel.
The sergeant collapsed as if pole-axed, but the officer simply roared,
"Roll that carrion into the streets!" as he stalked off to seek more
of his men.19
After a half hour of cursing and beatings,
the Zouaves finally dropped their plunder, fell into line, and reluctantly reboarded the train to continue their trip toward
Richmond. Bloodied and sullen from the
experience, Coppens' men were hardly in a cooperative spirit. Along the way one Zouave was shot and killed
by a company officer and another was accidentally killed under unknown
circumstances. The train crew was
horrified when others began riding on top of the train and on the couplings
between the cars. When warned of the
danger, the Zouaves only cursed the crew, laughed hysterically, and clung
tighter. One was killed when the train
passed under a low bridge, and three others on the couplings were crushed to
death when the train lurched suddenly.
At Columbia, South Carolina, the Zouaves
again ran amuck. "Sich it shooting of cattle and poultry, sich
a yelling and singing of their darned french stuff'-sich a rolling of drums and damming of officers, I arn't hear yit," declared
one railroad agent. Reflecting on the
trip so fair, he added, "and I'm.jest a-thinkin' ef this yere reegement don't stop a-fightin' together, being shot by the Georgians and beat by
their officers-not to mention a jammin' up on
railroads-they're gwine to do darned leetle sarvice a-fightin' of Yanks!"
Despite their riotous reputation, Coppens'
Zouaves impressed civilians with their Gallic uniforms and military
bearing. After watching them pass
through Petersburg, Virginia, one onlooker wrote a friend:
The greatest sight I have yet seen in the way of military was a body of about 600 Louisiana Zouaves, uniformed and drilled it was said in the true French Zouaves style. Most of them were of foreign extraction the French predominant-but there were Irish, Italians, Swiss, etc., etc. Their uniforms consisted of loose red flannel pants tied above the ankles, blue flannel jackets, and for headgear a kind of red flannel bag large enough at one end to fit the head and tapering to a point at the Other where it was generally decorated with a piece of ribbon. This end fell behind. In this cap which, you see, did not protect their faces from the sun in the least, they had been wasting for a month or two in the burning sun of Pensacola, and of course were as brown as they could well get-browner than I ever saw a white man. Add to their costume and complexion that they were hard specimens before are they left the "crescent city" as their manner indicated and you may perhaps imagine what sort of men they were. In fact they were the most savage-looking crowd I ever saw.20
When the Zouaves stormed Richmond a few
days later, a local newspaper reported that the city was "thrown into a
paroxysm of excitement" by their arrival.
One man who witnessed their entry wrote home that the battalion was
"composed of 'Wharf Rats' of New Orleans. & look wilder, & are
usually drunker than any Indians. They
are the lions of the town now & cut out all the other uniforms."21
The citizens of Richmond had heard of the Louisianians
' wild train ride and were curious about the much publicized Zouaves. Their curiosity was soon satisfied:
"From the time of their appearance in Richmond," remembered one
resident, "robberies became frequent.
Whenever a Zouave was seen something was sure to be missed." Housed
at first on the second floor of a warehouse, the Zouaves eluded guards posted
at doorways by using their sashes as ropes and exiting out the windows. They then "roamed about the city like a
pack of untamed wildcats." Stalking into saloons, they ordered "what
they wished to eat and drink, and then direct[ed] the dismayed proprietor to
charge their bill to the government." "Thieving, burglary, and
garroting in the streets at night" were common as long as the Zouaves were
in town. Understandably, "the,
whole community, both military and civil, drew a long breath of relief"'
when they were, dispatched to Yorktown on June 10.22
The 14th Louisiana Volunteers rivaled
Coppens' Battalion for being the most feared Louisiana command. While making the trek to Virginia the
regiment turned a routine stop at Grand Junction, Tennessee, into a bloody
fratricidal battle. During the layover,
Colonel Sulakowski ordered the closure of all liquor stores and posted guards
to prevent the men from entering them.
Many of the soldiers were inebriated before Sulakowski issued his
orders, however, for they had smuggled aboard the train two barrels of whiskey
and were even issued rations of liquor during the ride to Tennessee. Infuriated by the colonel’s orders, these
intoxicated men proceeded to defy Sulakowski openly by slipping into the Stores
through back windows. An underlying
tension of personal jealousies and petty grievances over the election of certain
officers combined with this drunkenness to set of a vicious riot.
Sulakowski’s guards tried to prevent the
men from entering the stores, but they were quickly overpowered by the
drunkards. When some officers and guards
tried to subdue the men at one saloon, a bloody brawl erupted after a guard
bayoneted one soldier. The drunken mob
quickly disarmed the guards and began pouring into the town's streets. Luckily, the regiment had not been fully
equipped and the weapons seized by the rioters were empty; only the officers'
revolvers were loaded.
As the mob became uncontrollable, a pistol
shot rang out from a young lieutenant's revolver, followed in quick succession
by others. Several rioters fell, but the
surviving horde of screaming, cursing men chased the officers into a nearby
hotel and set fire to the building even though several hundred civilians were
also inside; loyal soldiers and civilians were able to extinguish the fire, but
the rioters succeeded in breaking into the hotel. They "rushed in like a mob of infuriated
devils," wrote one newspaper.
"Drawers were torn open, the contents were destroyed, the furniture
was broken and pitched out, the dining room table was thrown over and all the
table furniture broken, the chairs smashed to pieces, and such a general wreck
you have never witnessed in a civilized community."23 Into the midst of this wreckage
swaggered Colonel Sulakowski. Eyes
flashing and lips blue with rage, he screamed to the mutineers, "Go to
your quarters!" One man hesitated and was dropped by a pistol ball from
the colonel's drawn revolvers. Another
was shot in the face by Sulakowski but jumped back to his feet, spit out a
tooth, and continued on his way. A
sergeant trying to help officers control the men failed to move quickly enough
for Sulakowski and was mistaken for a rioter.
The sergeant was killed by the quick-shooting colonel in front of his
wife, who had traveled to Grand junction to visit him.
The pistol-wielding Sulakowski soon
cleared the hotel of rioters with the help of other officers who followed his
example. The battle then continued in
the streets for another hour, but finally, after seven men lay dead and
nineteen wounded, the mutineers were subdued.
Surveying the carnage, one newspaper reported, "The hotel looks
like a hospital after a hard fought battle.
The dead and wounded are strewn all over the second floor."
Sulakowski was enraged over the incident and bitterly denounced several of his
officers for allowing the situation to get out of hand. He later had the Franco Rifle Guards
disbanded for being the major instigators of the riot. The company's officers were forced to resign
by the secretary of war, and the enlisted men were distributed among the
regiment's other companies.24"
The violent nature of the
foreign-dominated 14th Louisiana Volunteers and Coppens' Battalion convinced
many people that all Louisiana soldiers were cut from the same mold. As word of their exploits spread, and as they
continued their depredations in Virginia, fear and dread of Louisiana soldiers
began to permeate civilian and military life in the Old Dominion. Of course, the belief that all Louisianians
were thieves, drunkards, and brawlers was wrong, for other Louisiana commands
made the trip to Virginia without incident.
Drinking was just as prevalent among these men, but it did not cause the
trouble it did with Coppens' and Sulakowski's troops. Lieutenant-Colonel Charles de Choiseul of the
7th Louisiana wrote that his regiment "rattled quietly along, for a
couple of days, nothing more exciting happening than the contest between the
officers, & a portion of the men.
The latter seemingly bent on trying the experiment of how much whiskey
they could consumer while the former were endeavoring to make them members of
the total abstinence society."25
For most Louisianians the journey to
Virginia was a gay outing, with civilians jubilantly welcoming them to their
towns and hailing the Tigers as liberating-heroes. B. C. Cushman of the 1st Louisiana wrote, "At every little town and village [in
Tennessee], the inhabitants (especially the ladies) greeted us with cheers and
welcomed us to their soil, opened their doors to us all and treated us to the
best fare they had without charging any one a single cent." After crossing
into Virginia, the 1st Louisiana was treated "more in the manner of the
Prince of Wales than as common soldiers." Sometimes the officers wired
ahead to the next station to alert the citizens of their impending
arrival. By the time the regiment
arrived, "we would find [the town] thronged with ladies moving their
handkerchiefs, tossing us flowers, and bidding us to be of good cheer, and
fight like brave fellows."26
Similar receptions greeted other Louisiana
commands. The spring of 1861 was an
exciting time; war was still glorious-and bloodless. Within a few months, it was believed, the
Yankees would be vanquished and the gray-clad warriors of the Pelican State
would be returning to Louisiana in victory.
The only concern for most Tigers was to reach the contested field before
peace broke out.
All of the Louisiana commands suffered
heavily from disease that summer of' 1861.
During August, 239 of 421 men in Wheat's Battalion and approximately,
one-half of Dreux's Battalion were taken ill.
Of the 600 men in Coppens' Battalion, fewer than 100 were fit for duty
that September. No other unit, however,
matched the farm boys of Taylor's 9th Louisiana in falling victim to
epidemics. Their Centreville campground
was the first place most had ever been exposed to such diseases as measles,
mumps, and typhoid. By August nearly 100
men had died or been medically discharged, and so many others were sick that
the regiment could barely muster 300 men for duty. Everyone hoped cooler weather would slow the
raging epidemics, but winter brought severe cases of pneumonia that winter 6 of the Bienville Blues contracted the dreaded illness and died
within a three week period. Death became
so common place, wrote Richard Colbert, that "the death of one of our poor
soldiers is hardly noticed. One of the
Bossier boys died day before yesterday and one of ours yesterday and it seemed
to me that it was not noticed no more than if a dog had died."27
During their first year in Virginia, the
Tigers could attribute little homesickness to shortages in food and
clothing. Unlike later times, when the
Confederate soldier was usually ill-clothed and poorly fed, the Louisianians
enjoyed a fairly comfortable rookie year.
In July, 1861, the four companies from Caddo Parish received $1,500 each
to buy supplies, and that autumn the 9th Louisiana received several large
shipments of goods. One such delivery
contained 12 cases of blankets, 872 pairs of drawers, 400 flannel shirts, 400
jackets, 400 pairs of pants, and 22 dozen pairs of socks. Along with these regimental supplies were
numerous bundles addressed to individual soldiers, Typical of these was the one
received by R. L. Tanner containing three towels, two blankets, one pillow, a
pair of pants, a pocketknife, a necktie, a cake of soap, a comb, and a bottle
of medicine.28
Food was usually plentiful that first
year, and few complaints were registered about its quality or quantity. The 2d Louisiana's B. C. Cushman wrote from
Norfolk, "We fare finely here, get more vegetables and strawberries and
cream than we know what to do with. I
think this is the greatest vegetable market in the world. And besides we get any quantity of fish of
every description. I am living and
growing fat on oysters and soft shell crabs." Despite the plentifulness of food and clothing, the Louisianians did
have to suffer through a few lean times.
During a June retreat on the Peninsula; all the extra clothing in
Coppens' Battalion was destroyed. When
the remaining clothes wore out, the familiar Zouave uniforms were lost forever.
Two months later, other Louisianians on the Peninsula endured a temporary food
shortage and for a short time subsisted on "five ears of green corn &
a piece of fat pork." Even during these rare times of want, however, the
Tigers were usually able to Purchase needed goods from camp sutlers and local
merchants.29
Because of this abundance of food, large,
elaborate dinners were often held by enlisted men and officers alike. Major Roberdeau Wheat became famous for his
gourmet meals at Manassas, where he and Colonel Frederick A. Skinner of the 1st
Virginia Volunteers engaged in a friendly contest to see who was better at
creating excellent cuisine. Skinner
found it difficult to top Wheat's "cabeza de buey al ranchero"-an ox head, with skin and
horns intact, covered in a pit of coals and baked like a potato. To prepare the meal, Wheat decapitated an ox,
sewed loose skin over the neck cut, and buried the head in the coals at
tattoo. At next morning's reveille,
Skinner returned to watch the unearthing: "The head, when dug up and
brought into the tent covered with ashes and dirt, was, I think, about as
repulsive an object as my eyes ever beheld, but giving out a most appetizing
odor. The dirt and ashes were brushed
off and the skin and horns speedily and skillfully removed, and lo! a
metamorphosis occurred. . . . We had before us a dish as grateful to the eye as
it was to the nostrils." After stuffing themselves, Wheat's guests
declared that the unusual breakfast was a "gastronomic triumph" and
proclaimed the major a culinary genius.
Wheat's hospitality did not end here.
In the autumn of 1861 he entertained Generals Joseph E. Johnston, Jubal Early, Gustavus Smith, and
Earl Van Dorn with a "Tiger Dinner." While the generals wined and
dined inside the party tent, Wheat's Tigers became roaring drunk outside and
spent the night racing around the tent on the generals' horses, 30
Because of their unique use of the French
language, several Louisiana commands became the objects of bemused curiosity
upon their arrival in Virginia. After
witnessing one Louisiana officer put his men through battalion drill, a
Georgian declared, "That-thurr furriner he calls out er lot er gibberish, an them-thur Dagoes
jes maneuver-up like Hell-beatin'tanbark!
Jes' like he was talkin'
sense!" The 15th Alabama once camped beside Sulakowski's regiment and
took delight in sitting around the parade ground each day after completing its
own drill sessions to watch "Colonel Sooli Koski" take out his men. One Alabama officer recalled,
"The foreign accent of Sooli Koski and the alacrity and precision with which his men
obeyed his commands, not a word of which we could understand, presented a good
entertainment for the edification of our officers and men." To integrate
the Louisianians more fully into the
command structure, Confederate authorities eventually ordered the Tigers to
abandon the use of French and to adopt English commands.31
General McLaws, under whom the 10th
Louisiana was eventually placed, found it difficult even to communicate with
that regiment's officers. The 10th was
led by Colonel Mandeville Marigny, son-in-law of
Louisiana's first governor, William C. C. Claiborne, and a former French
cavalry officer who had been invited by the French to study at the Saumur
Military College. Marigny
organized his regiments along the lines of a French army unit. Consisting of soldiers from a dozen different
nations, the 10th Louisiana seemed to be an army from Babel with the strange,
bewildering jabbering of its members. When
Marigny and his adjutant first reported to McLaws,
the resultant interview was difficult because of this language barrier. The general wrote his wife, "Indeed, the
Colonel & Adjutant who have just
left my tent speak English but indifferently well. The Adjutant did not say much. I think but two words & I do not believe
he can talk English."32
The off-duty activities of the Tigers were
not as amusing as their speech, for all the Louisiana commands on the Peninsula
openly killed livestock and created havoc in any town unlucky enough to be located
near one of their camps. Dreux's
Battalion and the 5th Louisiana publicly bayoneted hogs, and McLaws once
claimed that in the twelve hours the 10th Louisiana was camped on Jamestown
Island its members "eat up every living thing on the Island but two horses
and their own species." The Richmond provost marshal's record of arrests
for this time also shows numerous Tigers being arrested for robbery, desertion,
forgery, and drawing double pay through fraudulent means.33
While en route to North Carolina for a
brief tour of duty, Sulakowski's 14th Louisiana reenacted its famous Grand Junction
riot. As on their earlier train ride,
some men prepared for the journey by freely indulging in whiskey and began
brawling among themselves aboard the train.
Upon reaching Petersburg, Virginia, the feuding soldiers had to
disembark and march into town because tracks were not yet laid through the
city. It was not long before the
soldiers took their squabble into the streets, using "paving stones, clubs,
bowie knives, and every available weapon that was at hand." As at Grand
junction, the regiment's officers tried to quell the rioters but were attacked
immediately. One lieutenant was
seriously injured with three stab wounds, and a store owner's wife was chased
by knife-wielding Tigers when she protested the looting of her business. Order
was finally restored by the officers and loyal soldiers, but non before the
Tigers' reputation for violent behavior was further enhanced.34
Coppens' Battalion had the most lawless
reputation of all the Louisiana commands on the Peninsula. One Virginian camped near the Zouaves
conceded that they were excellent soldiers but wrote, "The pirates are
from the dregs of all nations and the ten days they were here, they killed some
eighteen or twenty head of cattle." Another soldier, hearing that his
company was to be transferred to Coppens' Battalion, exclaimed, "The men
swear they will be shot first." So blatantly did Coppens' men raid
neighboring farms and pastures that General Magruder was forced to denounce
them publicly one hot, sultry day in June during an inspection of his six
thousand troops. After a short speech
thanking certain regiments for their bravery during a skirmish at Big Bethel,
Magruder cautiously approached Coppens' Battalion. Standing rigidly at attention in their fezzes
and blue flannel jackets, the Zouaves" sweated profusely while their
commanding officer berated them for the rash of cattle killings. One witness wrote that Magruder
"Informed the Zouaves that he had heard of their depredations and that
they must be stopped, or every man who was guilty of [such] conduct . . .
should be shot immediately." One Tar Heel claimed that the reputation of
the Zouaves was so fierce that officers felt they might mutiny if pressed too
hard on the issue, and many soldiers believed Magruder chose this particular
time to deliver his harangue because he had six thousand men behind him.35
The tension that developed between the Tigers
and their generals gradually diminished as McLaws and Magruder learned to enjoy
the lighter side of their feisty soldiers.
In October, McLaws wrote his wife that the 10th Louisiana had
"warmly invited" him several times to Williamsburg, where the soldiers
were “giving parties and picnics, singing and serenading." He also told
her some Tiger anecdotes that were circulating around camp. One Frenchman, who was lying prostrate in
high grass hiding from officers and waiting for a nearby pig to wander within
reach, was beaten to his prey by a North Carolina soldier, who suddenly
appeared and boldly shot the hog. Rising
up on his hands, the 'Tiger surprised the Tar Heel by shouting, "A, Ha! De Zouave is not the only one who stole de
pig, some body else is the damned rascal besides." When two other- Louisianians
were caught red-handed pulling boards
off a house, the owner demanded to know their units. With a straight face, one Tiger replied in a
heavy French accent, "Ve belongs to
the first Georgiy." Nonsense, the civilian shot
back: Georgians did not have that accent.
"Vera well," shrugged the soldier, "Bonjour,"
and off the two went, clutching the boards.36
In his attempt to win the Tigers'
confidence, General Magruder sometimes overplayed his hand. He once issued a general order for the Louisianians
immediately to engage any enemy encountered- even if faced with fifty-to-one
odds. The Tigers were pleased that
Magruder held such confidence in them, but one of Dreux's men later recalled,
"Crazy as we were at that period regarding our ability to eat up such a
number of live Yankees before breakfast, it began to dawn upon the intellects
of most of us that fifty to one was slightly in excess of what we had
calculated upon."37
In early 1862 Dreux's men found an
opportunity to impress Magruder in a way other than fighting Yankees. A "burlesque circus" was organized.
to entertain residents of the surrounding area, and during the festival season
a Mardi Gras parade was held. This event
involved about two hundred battalion members, who wanted to show the people of
Williamsburg a real Mardi Gras celebration.
Materials for costumes were gathered from all over town, and on Mardi
Gras day a long, wild procession wound through the streets, halting at Magruder's
headquarters. As a practical joke, Billy
Campbell, one of Dreux's men, dressed as a girl strode gracefully into
Magruder's office on the arm of Ned Phelps, another member of the
battalion. Phelps very properly
introduced his escort to the unsuspecting general and claimed the baby-faced
Campbell was a sister of one of the battalion's soldiers. The gallant Magruder quickly took the
"lady's" hand and began entertaining Campbell with drink, and lively
conversation. During this interlude,
other battalion members entered the room above Magruder, ripped apart a feather
mattress and shoveled the feathers through cracks in the floor. Magruder was covered with feathers, but the
Tigers simply laughed and yelled that it was a "Louisiana snowstorm!"
While the confused Magruder tried to make sense of all this, Campbell and
Phelps quietly slipped away, leaving the puzzled general standing alone amid
his Louisiana "snow."38
Ned Phelps, the ringleader of the Mardi
Gras caper, had another encounter with Magruder on the Peninsula. During a night march, Phelps slipped away
from the battalion to forage and at daybreak came upon a farmhouse where he
discovered Magruder and his staff about to sit down to breakfast. Seeing a vacant chair, the private plopped
down as well and hungrily eyed the meal.
Amazed at the man's gall, Magruder leaned back in his chair and asked,
"Young man, are you aware whom you are breakfasting with?"
"Well," mused Phelps, "before I came soldiering I used to be
particular whom I ate with, but now I don't care a damn-so [long as] the
victuals are clean." Magruder snickered helplessly at this honest retort
and declared, "Young man, stay where you are and have what you want."
Despite his begrudging admiration of Phelps's style, Magruder must have had his
fill of the impetuous soldier for in June, 1862, the general personally granted
a transfer for Phelps to the Washington Artillery.39
The tumultuous activity of Coppens',
Sulakowski's, and Marigny's Louisianians created a
tarnished image of the Pelican soldiers that never faded. From the Peninsula, the 10th Louisiana's
Father Louis-Hippolyte Gache
wrote, "The Louisiana soldiers have gained a reputation for pilfering and
general loutishness that as soon as anyone sees them coming they bolt the doors
and windows. Usually any affiliation at
all with the Louisiana boys is enough to assure one a cold welcome no matter where
he shows his face."40
Although the Peninsula was where the
Tigers' reputation was largely born, it was near Manassas and Centreville that
the term "Louisiana Tiger" came into being. Wheat's Battalion earned its nom de gueere because of' its fierce fighting at First
Manassas and subsequent career of unbridled lawlessness. The title was most probably taken from the
Zouave Company, Tiger Rifles, because its members were the most conspicuous and
proved to be the wildest of Wheat's men.
The term was widely used by the autumn of 1861, and because the deeds of
the Peninsula Louisianians received so
much publicity, it was soon applied to all of the state's soldiers in Virginia.
Wheat's Battalion quickly became a command
that was feared by civilians and soldiers alike. In recalling his first view of these original
Louisiana Tigers, one Alabaman wrote that they were dressed in
"half-savage uniforms" and were "adventurers, wharf-rats, cutthroats,
and bad characters generally." Another soldier remembered years later,
"I was actually afraid of them, afraid I would meet them somewhere and
that they would do me like they did Tom Lane of my company; knock me down and
stamp me half to death." Even other Louisianians were leery of Wheat's
men. Henry Handerson
and the Stafford Guards found "considerably to our horror" that their
company had to stand in line next to the Tiger Battalion during brigade drill.41
These soldiers had good reason to be
fearful, for Wheat's men proved to be a reckless lot. Shortly after their baptism of fire at First
Manassas, Captain Alex White challenged one of General Richard S. Ewell's aides
to a duel after the officer spoke disparagingly of White's men. Choosing rifles, the two officers proceeded
with the duel, which ended tragically when White's opponent was "bored
through just above the hips, and died in great agony." Soon after this
incident, the men whose honor White defended engaged in a bloody, drunken brawl
in the streets of Lynchburg. These Tiger Rifles so threatened the town's safety
that its citizens were finally compelled to organize an armed guard and forcibly
jail the drunken mob before the town was wrecked.42
Wheat's men were involved in two other
melees within a few months. Somehow,
Wheat's Battalion and the 1st Kentucky Volunteers developed bad blood and had
to be separated in camp to keep the peace.
At one new camp near Centreville, however, this routine procedure was
overlooked and the two commands were bivouacked adjacent to each other. That night while Out on the town, two gangs
of drunken Tigers and Kentuckians met in the streets and engaged in a violent
street battle, each band attacking the other with paving stones. The noisy rocks bouncing off the frame houses
awakened the town and created such a ruckus that a company of infantry had to
be sent from camp to separate the men.43
Later that winter a dozen Tigers took on
an entire company of the 21st Georgia Volunteers when the Georgians absconded
with the Louisianians ' whiskey after the Tigers offered them a drink from
their bottle. The Georgians' captain
emerged from his tent to investigate the row and found several Tigers crumpled
in the snow. The battered soldiers were
gathered up and taken into the captain's tent, where they were treated to a
drink and an apology by the Georgian when he learned of the circumstances. As they were leaving, however, the captain
warned them that they could have been killed if he had not intervened. The Tigers were reluctant to leave an unfinished
fight and called defiantly over their shoulders, "We are much obliged, sor, but Wheat's Battalion kin clean up the whole damn
Twenty-first Georgia any time."44
Whiskey proved to be the common
denominator in the incidents of misbehavior among the Louisianians at Centreville and on the Peninsula. Although enlisted men were officially
forbidden to have whiskey in the camps, the "Louisiana Brigade,"
wrote one soldier, "being mostly city or river men, knew the ropes; and could
get it from Richmond.," One member of the 8th Louisiana paid a heavy price
for his drinking when he froze to death in November, 1861, after getting drunk
and passing out in the snow."45
Officers seemed to be the greatest abusers
of liquor because they were free to purchase it from camp sutlers. The 7th Louisiana sutler's ledger shows that
one captain bought eight and a half gallons and one canteen of whiskey in less
than two weeks, and Colonel Harry T. Hays purchased five bottles of brandy, one
canteen of whiskey, and one bottle of wine in nine days. The account of Captain J. Moore Wilson,
however, put all others to shame. It
reads as follows:
August 20-one pint of brandy
21-two quarts of brandy
September 12-one canteen of brandy
19-one bottle of brandy
20-three bottles of brandy
22-one bottle of brandy
23-one- bottle of brandy and one canteen of whiskey
24-three gallons of whiskey
25-one- canteen of whiskey
26-one- Flask of brandy
28-two gallons of whiskey and four bottles of brandy
29-two gallons of whiskey46
Although it can be assumed that a good
proportion of such purchases were made for other men, the Louisiana officers
like Captain Wilson were famous for their heavy consumption of spirits. Colonel Isaac G. Seymour complained bitterly
about his officers' drinking habits and reported to his son that "some
dozen or so of-them are low vulgar fellows . . . [who] inhabit whiskey
tubs." Drinking so affected the performance of the 6th Louisiana that
Seymour once pointed out the offenders by name and publicly rebuked them in
front of their men during dress parade.
The officers of the 2d Louisiana were nearly as bad. During a patrol in December, 1861, they
allowed their men to stand outside in freezing weather while they adjourned to
a nearby house to get drunk.47
Because of the Tigers' recklessness and
abuse of alcohol, court martials became a familiar
occurrence in the Louisiana camps. Fighting, often alcohol-induced, was one of
the most common reasons for such trials.
From August 3 to September 3, 1861, there were four reported fights
within the 2d Louisiana, two of which resulted in stabbings. Sentences were the same at Centreville as on
the Peninsula and appear to have been cruel and unusual punishment by today's
Standards. When convicted of killing a
hog, some members of the 9th Louisiana were sentenced to carry a rail on their
shoulders for alternating periods of two hours for eight days. Drunkenness was often punished by days of
hard labor in the trenches, and insubordination usually carried sentences of
wearing a ball and chain. One Louisianan
found guilty of this latter offense drew twenty days at hard labor with a ball
and chain, and one of Coppens' Zouaves had to wear the dreaded device for the
duration of his three-year enlistment.
Other common penalties for minor offenses were public reprimands,
forfeiture of pay, confinement in the guardhouse, standing on the head of a
barrel, and wearing a "barrel shirt" with a placard attached
declaring the offense. On rare occasions
men were cashiered from the service for certain offenses. When this occurred they were normally marched
out of camp to the tune of the "Rogue's March." At the suggestion of
Colonel Harry Hays, however, the Army of Northern Virginia eventually
substituted "Yankee Doodle," because, as Hays put it, more rogues
marched to its tune on any given day than to the "Rogue's March."48
Not all discipline was handed out by
official courts. The sergeant-major of
the unruly Tiger Rifles was a former New Orleans prize fighter, who at six
feet, six inches, in height, had no need for such formalities. About once a month he simply lined up his
men, stripped off his coat, and menacingly growled, "Now men, yez have seen me lay down me stripes. If any of yez has
anything agin me let him step out like a man
and settle it with me." There were few takers.49
Lieutenant-Colonel Charles de Choiseul
found the Sulakowski method of discipline more appealing. After Major Wheat was badly wounded at First
Manassas, de Choiseul was ordered temporarily to take command of Wheat's
Battalion. "I am," he
wrote a friend, the victim of circumstances, not of my own will.... Whether the
Tigers will devour me, or whether I will succeed in taming them, remains to be
seen." His moment of' truth came when "the whole set got royally
drunk." During the day one drunken soldier twice snapped his loaded musket
at de Choiseul's orderly when the orderly tried to arrest him outside the
colonel's tent. Luckily the musket
failed to discharge and the orderly was able to subdue him. Later in the day, de Choiseul reported, other
unknown Tigers succeeded in "knocking down & badly beating &
robbing ... a washer-woman, of the battalion in a thicket not a hundred yards
from the guard house." The camp gradually settled down after that and de
Choiseul retired for the night, only to be awakened at 10:30 p.m., by a
free-for-all at the guard tent. Grabbing
his revolver, he rushed out and found his guards battling seven or eight Tigers
who were apparently trying to free some of their comrades. De Choiseul slugged one man who approached
him threateningly and finally restored order "with seven or eight beauties
bucked & gagged in the guard tent."50
The next day de Choiseul noticed two
Tigers casually walking out of camp toward Centreville. No privates were to leave camp without a
signed pass, so the colonel rode over to investigate and was told that the
orderly sergeant had given them permission to leave. Suspicious, de Choiseul then went to question
the sergeant but wound up arresting him when the sergeant gave "an
impudent
answer"
to his inquiry. Ordered to his quarters
by de Choiseul, the soldier swaggered off uttering oaths under his breath,
while another Tiger came up to the colonel and began taking the side of the
departing sergeant. When de Choiseul
ordered this man to the guardhouse, the soldier refused. Furious at such
insubordination, the mounted colonel picked the man up by the collar and threw
him heavily to the ground. After picking
himself up, the soldier still refused to leave, so de Choiseul knocked him to
the ground a second time. By then
several other Tigers had encircled de Choiseul and were pressing closer
menacingly. Realizing the danger, the
colonel fingered his revolver and sternly warned that he would shoot the first
man who "raised a finger." The words were no sooner uttered than a
"big double fisted ugly looking fellow came at me & said 'God damn
you, shoot me.'" Not one to bluff, de Choiseul immediately drew his
pistol and fired. "He turned as I
fired & I hit him in the cheek, knocking out one upper jaw tooth & two
lower ones on the other side & cutting his tongue." The other Tigers
quickly, broke their encirclement and recoiled from the obviously dangerous
colonel. "That quelled the
riot," de Choiseul nonchalantly recalled.51
It was possibly this two-day episode that
led to two of Wheat's Tigers becoming the first soldiers executed in the
Virginia army. Michael O'Brien and
Dennis Corcoran (or Corkeran) were convicted of being
the ringleaders of a gang that beat up an officer and tried to free some of
their friends from the guardhouse.
Whether this was the same incident de Choiseul described is uncertain,
but it likely was because de Choiseul's brawl occurred approximately one month
before the executions took place. When
O'Brien and Corcoran were sentenced to death, Wheat made an impassioned plea
for leniency since one of them had risked his life by carrying the wounded
Wheat from the Manassas battlefield.
Brigade commander Richard Taylor, however, rejected Wheat's request
because he felt strict discipline had to be established.
At 11:30 A.M., on December 9, the entire
division formed a three sided square around a slight depression used as a
natural amphitheater for the executions.
Twelve men chosen by Taylor from the condemned men's own Tiger Rifles
were drawn up to serve as executioners.
While a band played the "Death March" the silent division
watched as a covered wagon escorted by two companies with fixed bayonets slowly
drove to the open side of the square.
One witness described what happened:
Then six men got out of the wagon-two "Tigers," a Catholic priest in long black cassock and three-cornered cap, and three officers. These step forward a little when the Colonel rides up to them and, speaking to the "Tigers," reads to them the charges of which they have been found guilty and the sentence of the court condemning them to death. The two "Tigers"' have their hands tied behind them with rope. They are then led backwards a short distance and made to kneel with their backs resting against two strong posts driven into the ground. Their hands are also tied tightly behind them to the posts. The priest is seen going constantly from one to the other of the two criminals, comforting them in preparing them for the awful death. . . . He holds to their lips a crucifix, which they passionately kiss and over which they pray. In a few minutes the signal is given, the priest leaves them alone with an officer, who put a bandage over their eyes and retires.52
Despite
their crime, sympathy for the two Tigers was expressed among the on looking
soldiers. In a last pathetic gesture,
the two men had published their final thoughts in local newspapers. They
pleaded for others not to fall victim to the vice of liquor and forgave those
who were involved in their execution.
Many soldiers recalled this statement as they watched the twelve
executioners advance to within twenty yards of the condemned men. The firing squad was not aware of it, but one
company of Colonel Henry B. Kelly's 8th Louisiana was standing behind them with
loaded muskets. Fearing the Tigers might
refuse to fire when ordered, Colonel Kelly was prepared to execute the
executioners if the need arose. His
concern was unwarranted, however, White ordered, "Ready! Aim!
Fire!" and a dozen muskets split the crisp December air with a
thunderous volley. The two men were dead
by the time the echoes faded into the hills.
In the hushed silence that followed, a lone Tiger broke ranks, ran up to
one body, and gently held and caressed it.
"it was heart-rendering," a correspondent wrote, "to see
the poor brother's agony." Wheat, the only man in the division excused
from attending the execution, broke down and cried in his tent at hearing the
discharge of muskets. After the burial,
many soldiers ghoulishly combed the death site for pieces of posts and other
relics until the distraught Tiger Rifles angrily dispersed them with fixed
bayonets.53
These two Tigers paid with their lives for
attacking one of their officers at the guardhouse. Although this case was extreme, enlisted men
often did not hesitate to assault their
officers verbally and physically, just as line officers sometimes took drastic
measures to oust unpopular field grade officers. Nearly every Louisiana command on the
Peninsula was racked by such personal rivalries and internal turmoil. In June, 1861, the company officers of
Coppens' Battalion met en masse with General Magruder and threatened to resign
and serve as privates if Coppens continued in command. They conceded that he was "a brave and
good man" but said he was entirely without energy or the faculty to
command." Magruder tried to defuse the situation by adding two Virginia
companies to the battalion, raising it to regimental strength, and bringing in
a new colonel, but this plan was rejected by Richmond and Coppens remained in
command.54
After getting into position, Wheat
aligned his men perpendicular to the stream in a rolling field interspersed
with patches of trees. The Catahoula
Guerrillas had just been deployed as skirmishers at 9:45 A.M., when General
Ambrose Burnside's Rhode Island brigade slipped through the forest with
bayonets brightly reflecting the early morning sunlight. A sporadic fire broke out along the line as
Burnside's 2d Rhode Island unexpectedly flushed out the Catahoula boys, who
were hiding in the brush and weeds at the edge of the woods. These individual shots soon merged into long,
roaring volleys as the rest of Burnside's line and six of his artillery joined
in the fight. "The balls came as
thick as hail," wrote one Guerrilla, "[and] grape, bomb and canister
would sweep our ranks every minute." Outnumbered six to one, Wheat's men
desperately hugged the ground or took cover behind scattered trees and answered
the fire as best they could.55
For crucial minutes the Louisianians and
Rhode Island brigade fought alone, their battle lines surging back and forth
across the rolling hills. But Wheat soon
received help when the 4th South Carolina and two pieces of artillery finally
arrived from the Stone Bridge. Evans
placed the Carolinians in a patch of woods on Wheat's left, but in the smoke
and confusion they mistook Wheat's men for federals and fired a volley into
their flanks. The mistake was quickly
corrected, but not before the Tigers turned and peppered the South Carolina
line in return.56
The din of battle became deafening as
Evans' men were slowly forced back by the increasing federal numbers. Wheat and some of his Tigers drifted to the
left in the confusing retreat and tried to make a stand around a field of
haystacks. Dismounting, Wheat held his
reins in one hand and with the other drew his sword and waved it overhead,
calling on his men to rally around.
Handfuls of Tigers were beginning to respond to his call when there was
the sickening thud of lead hitting flesh.
The major collapsed, drilled through the body by a ball that entered
under his up stretched left arm and tore through one lung before passing out on
the other side. Captain Buhoup rushed to
Wheat's side and called on his Catahoula Guerillas to roll the major onto a blanket
and use it as a litter to carry him to the rear. Grabbing the blanket's corners, the Tigers
began their journey, when a couple of the bearers were shot down. Wheat tumbled hard to the ground and gasped,
"Lay me down, boys, you must save yourselves." The Tigers adamantly
refused to abandon him and called on others to lend a hand with the makeshift
litter. Several more men rushed up,
placed the Old Dominion Guards' flag over the stricken Wheat, and hustled him safely
to the rear."
Although Wheat's and Evans' eleven
companies had been steadily pushed back, they had maintained order and were
effectively slowing the advance of thirteen thousand Yankees. The wounding of Wheat seriously threatened
this resistance; however, for the sight of their apparently mortally wounded
leader being carried from the field destroyed the Tigers' morale. Without effective leadership, the battalion
quickly disintegrated, and the men drifted away in small groups to continue the
fight alone or attached to other commands.
The
federals saw the growing confusion in the Confederates' ranks and pressed their
attack with increased vigor. One Tiger,
his thigh shattered by a musket ball, struggled up on one elbow as his comrades
began falling back past him. "Tigers
go in once more," he cried.
"Go in my sons, I'll be great gloriously God damn if the sons of
bitches can ever whip the Tigers!" A number of Tigers then rallied,
turned, and met this new Union charge with the aid of two newly arrived
Confederate brigades under General Barnard Bee and Colonel F. S. Bartow. One survivor of the carnage that followed
wrote, "I have been In battles several times before, but such fighting
never was done, I do not believe as was done for the next half-hour, it did not
seem as though men were fighting, it was devils mingling in the conflict,
cursing, yelling, cutting, shrieking." It was during this phase of the
battle that the Tigers earned their reputation as fierce fighters. Newspapers later claimed that the Tiger
Rifles and Catahoula Guerrillas threw down their slow-firing Mississippi Rifles
in disgust and charged the federals armed only with drawn knives. Some Louisianians, no doubt, did resort to
their trusted blades in the bloody fight, but it is unlikely that two entire
companies did so on mass-especially since the battalion's companies were so
disorganized. Nevertheless, the story of
the knife-wielding Tigers received national attention, and a legend was born.57
Page 62, Lees Tigers
The good conduct displayed by Jones's and
Henry St. Paul de Lechard's men during the Battle of
Williamsburg should have improved the reputation of Louisiana's soldiers on the
Peninsula. But the actions of one man
during the campaign negated their contribution and almost irreparably blackened
the name of the Tigers. Sometime during
the retreat a number of captured wounded federals were carefully laid out on
the ground near Fort Magruder. Soon a
large group of curious Confederates crowded around the prisoners to catch a
glimpse of a real live Yankee. One
pitiful Union soldier was shot through the abdomen and rolled in agony on the
ground, pleading with the Confederate guards to kill him and end his
misery. At that moment, Coppens'
Battalion marched by. Seeing the crowd
of onlookers, several Zouaves dropped out of rank, walked over, and peeped
through the encircling crowd. They were,
remembered one Virginia soldier, "the most rakish and devilish looking
beings I ever saw." After hearing the poor Yankee's agonizing pleas, one
Zouave elbowed his way through the crowd, stood over the wounded man, and
asked, "Put you out of your misery? Certainly, sir!" He then swiftly
brought down his musket butt and crushed the man's skull. The crowd gasped and moved back from
"this demon" in horror, but the Zouave simply looked around at the
other wounded men and asked matter-of-factly, "Any Other gentlemen here
like to be accommodated?" When no one answered, he disappeared through the
crowd before anyone could react.
Apparently the perpetrator of this gruesome deed was never brought to
justice. Coppens' Battalion disappeared down the road toward Richmond, and a
new atrocity was registered under the name of the Louisiana Tigers.58
Page, 93 Lees Tigers
While Taylor's brigade was marching to
glory in the Valley, the Tigers on the Peninsula were engaged in several less
spectacular but bloody clashes near Richmond.
Following the Battle of Williamsburg, Colonel Theodore Hunt's 5th
Louisiana served as rear guard when Johnston withdrew his army closer to the
embattled capital. After days of
constant skirmishing with the pesky Union cavalry and infantry, Hunt's weary
men finally crossed the Chickahominy River at New Bridge and encamped for a
well deserved rest. On May 24, however,
the 4th Michigan Volunteers discovered Hunt's camp while on a reconnaissance
foray. While part of the Union regiment
traded shots with three companies of Tigers posted at New Bridge, the rest of
the 4th Michigan silently waded across the river upstream and moved down upon
the unsuspecting Confederates. When the
Union troops assailed the Tigers, the Louisianians hurriedly set fire to the
bridge and fell back through their camp in confusion, leaving numerous dead and
wounded behind. the fleeing Tigers soon
met the 10th Georgia coming to their aid, rallied, and finally forced the
Yankees to withdraw across the river.
McClellan proudly shot off a wire to President Abraham Lincoln claiming
that the 4th Michigan had "about finished [the] Louisiana
Tigers." He was not far wrong, for
at a loss of only ten men the Michigan boys had killed or wounded fifty Tigers
and captured forty-three.59
Only a week after this humiliating defeat, other Louisiana commands were thrown into savage fight along the Chickahominy River. While pursuing Johnston up the Peninsula, McClellan split his army across the sluggish Chickahominy, posting three of his army corps north of the stream and two south of it around Seven Pines and Fair Oaks. Seeing a chance to smash these two isolated corps, Johnston ord